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Pierluigi Concutelli - Fascist Terrorist

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Pierluigi Concutelli

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Pierluigi Concutelli was born on June 3rd, 1944 in Rome. He is an Italian fascist terrorist, a combatant and one of the leaders of the New Order movement (Ordine Nuovo) which became famous for many daring terrorist attacks, and had strongly promoted reading the works of Evola and Guenon among its members. Concutelli was one of the leading activists in the Years of Lead period of Italian history. Responsible for the murder of Judge Vittorio Occorsio. Sentenced for multiple murders, serving 4 life sentences. As the military leader for the New Order he was known as the Comandante. His memoirs have been published in 2008 under the title of "I, the man in black. Life between politics, violence and prison" (Io, l’uomo nero. Una vita tra politica, violenza e galera).

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Ordine Nuovo Flag, Judge Vittorio Occorsio at the site of his murder

I'm currently reading the Russian translation of his memoirs, don't know if they exist in English. I'll just translate/post some of interesting stuff that I've read so far in the forward to the book. The memoirs were written by the Sicilian journalist Giuseppe Ardica, who met Concutelli in prison numerous times for interviews, based on which (along with court documents) he wrote the memoirs from a first person view on behalf of Concutelli. Will post more interesting stuff in additional posts as I read along.

After having been arrested and sentenced he never talked, never gave up any names, never negotiated with the System or said that he felt bad for what he's done unlike other of his contemporaries: "I will not name names of my comrades who had managed to avoid prosecution. I did not reveal those names back when in exchange for them I could get my freedom, and I will not do it now, even though it is all in the distant past. I regret nothing and will never beg on my knees for anything from the State. I am a firm man, just as I was 30 years ago. I am no monster, even though many people think otherwise."

He was brought up on Fascist beliefs by his grandfather. Participated in political activism since he was 14 (handing out leaflets).

With the Piazza Fontana bombing the Years of Lead had begun in earnest. 1968 sees growth in political violence in Italy with the appearance of city paritsans throwing molotov cocktails at each other and assaulting bar hangouts of their enemies. Concutelli likewise moves towards active political violence after it became apparent that the Italian Social Movement (MSI) and its legal methods would not achieve any results. He leaves the organization in 1975, by then being the head of the University Front for National Action (FUAN, the student group of the MSI) in Palermo. He had left MSI to immediately join the New Order movement, which would put him on his path to prison.

The authorities kept tabs on Concutelli before then and believed that despite being a "clean and firm" fascist with a hot head, practically a bandit who has issues with the law and extremist tendencies, he had the potential to, in time, become part of the traditional parliamentary politics and democracy, as it had happened to some of his former "comrades", who today are state officials and deputies. Concutelli's fate was different.

While his name still appeared on the MSI electoral lists for Palermo, he was already participating in the kidnapping of the banker Luigi Mariano in Apulia, the goal of which was to gain finances for future terrorist ventures. 

The warring factions in the Years of Lead got their arms from their predecessors of the Second World War, the Red Brigades got arms from the former partisans, whereas Concutelli received his from the veterans of the Salo Republic, which lead to Concutelli's arrest for keeping arms in 1969, just some months after he had joined Junio Valerio Borghese's  "National Front".

Concutelli had always highlighted his personal responsibility for the political and material preparation of Judge Vittorio Occorsio's murder, insisting that no third parties were involved and that he had no secret overseers, despite the claims in the press. It was a decision he had made personally. Moreover all other leaders were abroad at the time of the murder, on the run from the System.

One of the painful topics for Concutelli was the rot apparent in the neofascist movement in Italy and the participation of its activists, willingly or otherwise, in "black terrorism" directed against civilians, which only helped the State. For this reason Concutelli had strangled the Milan neofascist Ermanno Bucci in Novara prison, who had been serving a life sentence for the organization of the explosion at an antifascist demonstration in Brescia at Piazza della Loggia on May 28th, 1974. Bucci had been characterized as a police informant by some of the movement comrades, more importantly, however, was that he was  a representative of the neofascist scene directly tied to state terrorism. "For us, true fascists, to be accomplices to the state, is a great dishonor. Just for that reason alone Bucci had to die".

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First half of the memoirs is dedicated to the armed struggle and the path that lead up to it, whereas the second is dedicated to Concutelli's life in prison, escape attempts, the ruthless hunt for the "comrades" who had repented to the System in the early 80s, his time in prison with people like Renato Vallanzasca, Luciano Luigio, Angelo Izzo, the murder of one of Concutelli's friends on the inside - the Milan gangster Francis Turatello, and finally, the "death camp" maximum security prison for especially dangerous prisoners, where the former military leader of the New Order spent 5 years, confirming his reputation as a firm and unyielding man. 

Fucker is 72 years old now, no idea if he's still serving time in prison but there's this video of him appearing on some Italian tv show. Who speaks Italian? Give us the gist of what he's saying.

 

 

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Weren't most of the Italian Far-right groups part of Operation Gladio?

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Read part 1, some fun bits summarized here:

He was inspired by a graffiti that read "The Worse it gets the Better it gets", several veterans of the fascist struggle, and one of his school teachers, likewise a fascist.

His first ever fight was in 1958, at 14 years of age, against a fully grown man who was also a professional boxer. He got knocked down twice but got up each time, until his 4 friends, also kids, joined the fight, and together they beat the boxer.

In 1962 in retaliation for an insult issued to them by some commies they pogrom'd the local Italian Communist Party's HQ. He was the smallest in his group and was left behind by accident, inside the building, when suddenly he heard "He's alone!", which was the last thing he heard before he was severely beaten. His friends came back minutes later realizing he's not with them, only to find him in a corner with some garbage bags, unconscious and in a pool of blood. He couldn't get out of bed for a week after.

Back then the primary ideological split within the growing underground neofascist movement was between being a follower of Evola or a follower of Giovanni Gentile. Concutelli himself didn't participate in this dichotomy and simply called himself a fascist and a follower of Filippo Corridoni and Georges Sorel. Funny enough he believed that Evola was closer to Adolf Hitler's regime rather than Fascist Italy's. 

Served in the military until 1965, then went into university in his favorite town, Palermo in Sicily, he was less politically active in this period and got dragged back into things because of the local circle of Salo veterans and young people romanticizing the old days, "back when people could sleep at night with unlocked doors and the mafia had been crushed by the iron fist of prefect Cesare Mori.

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How did the New Order operate? From what I read it reminds me of Casapound.

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Part 2 (PROTEST) highlights:

7. "Fuck you!"

1966-1968 saw the height of public protests including one in Palermo, where Concutelli on the side of the fascists was ready to throw down with the reds on the other side until the police came in between them to try and make everyone disperse peacefully - to no avail. Once the fighting started it ended up being a unified attack on the police by both fascists and communists, which was a unique sight by all accounts, however it was the start for "the game in which the Italians are absolute masters: everyone against everyone".

"For many months, years even, our favorite activity was to "drain the enemy". Equipped with helmets we'd march down the streets of Palermo, singing fascist songs. Encounters. Five against fifteen. Twenty against forty. Blows from all sides. Blood, people loosing consciousness, cries of pain. No weapons. No guns. Honest fist fights. Struggle between sworn enemies. Hatred. Besides these encounters there was room for non-violent politics: conferences, debates, meetings and so on."

8. Dashing of hopes. 68'

In the spring of 68 in Rome it became apparent that the MSI was no longer a true fascist party, as it began to side with the state against the "marxist threat", which most viewed as unacceptable. At the time there was a lot of talk about the Franco regime in Spain and Concutelli was one of the people who refused to side with it, regarding it as pseudofascism.

9. Junio Valerio Borghese's "National Front"

In Palermo he joined the "National Front" lead by the "Black Prince" Junio Valerio Borghese, however Concutelli soon grew disappointed with it as it was filled with people who had nostalgia for the old times about which they only knew from stories told to them by the war veterans. Concutelli was opposed to the idea of "revolt" that was "total" in the National Front as he believed that any revolt would only lead to strengthening the existing regime that would just change its mask from a "democratic" to a "fascist" one. He did not quit, however, as the group provided relatively easy access to weapons, including machine guns and grenades, which were necessary to the creation of militant camps that were a foreign idea to most existing movements and went by completely unnoticed by the police. 

While the reds had powerful cultural and political potential driven through various groups and organizations, fascists had nothing of the sort and could not describe to anyone what post- or neo- fascism is. "We didn't know anything. We only had our rage and decisiveness, which in a few years led us all to complete madness. From guard dogs we turned into a gang of rabid dogs, ready to bit absolutely anyone."

10. Caught. First time in prison

On October 25th, 1969 Concutelli was arrested for the first time for possession of weapons he aquired thanks to the Salo Republic veterans. One autumn day he and three of his comrades from the National Front loaded up a car and drove to a high hill overlooking Palermo for some shooting practice, a favorite spot of theirs for this purpose. 

On the hill there were 10 policemen walking back into town after sports training. Back then none of them would even think of opening fire at policemen as they were still regarded as "keepers of the law", thus they did not resist. Concutelli was sentanced to 2 years in prison for unlawful possession of guns.

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In prison under orders of the resident priest all newspapers and journals were filtered for anything related to the mafia and sex, two very popular topics of the time, thus prisoners were often given reading materials with half of the content cut out. During Concutelli's first time in prison he learned the ropes of prison life that made it easier on him in the future, with a gangster from "Cosa Nostra" acting as his "mentor", a man whom Concutelli recalls fondly. The gangster used to call Concutelli "Doctor Uzi" in Sicilian (Uzidutturi).

His time in prison had allowed him to escape the fallout of such events as the Piazza Fontana bombing and the Borghese Coup (which Concutelli himself was extremely suspect of as being organized by democratic christians to displace other democratic christians and assumed law enforcement had a hand in orchestrating to some extent). Having nothing to do with any of it because of his imprisonment all lies and accusations and attempts to shift some blame on him by other people facing trial for their connection to the bombing had been disregarded by the courts. 

1970 brought on the Reggio Revolt which brought together all self-proclaimed fascist groups including the MSI at the helm, the whole South of Italy chanting "Boia chi molla!" The revolt was squashed in two weeks with law enforcement ordered to aim for the legs of the protesters, avoiding killing anyone.

11. New Order, FUAN, Youth Front

Concutelli joined the New Order (Movimento Politico Ordine Nuovo – MPON) immediately upon release from prison, which in the early 70s underwent outright massive repressions from the state, movement leaders leaving it to join the MSI in 1969. The movement had various kinds of people, from esotericists and pagans to Hitlerists, but Concutelli considered himself to be a "pure" Fascist of the 1920s and that was the Fascism he sought to restore, adapted to contemporary realities.

At the time New Order was only promoting their views to the public and had no plans for illegal activities, thus the repressions of 1971 caught the movement by surprise, with their accusations of preparing an armed revolt or organizing terrorist attacks.

The cultural foundation of the New Order included Julius Evola, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, Louis-Ferdinand Céline, Ezra Pound, Rene Guenon, various ideological SS leaflets, history of the Salo Republic, 1920s Fascist materials. Concutelli promoted the works of "leftist" authors such as Georges Sorel and Che Guevara in the movement. The latter's book on guerrilla warfare became very popular, albeit Concutelli himself thought it had little applications to a country like Italy.

The group focused on spreading culture where ignorance was the norm as well as promoted sports. Violence was purposely avoided due to some leaders being stuck in courts, so as to avoid making things worse for them. Concutelli describes the New Order as a "books" organization at that time, which mostly acted in the spiritual, rather than the physical sphere. In the neofascist circles the movement was regarded with disdain as "intellectuals".

Despite joining the New Order Concutelli continued his MSI  career where he was still officially listed as a member. After prison he joined the student wing of the MSI - FUAN, which was more progressive than the actual party, sometimes acting in spite of MSI itself.

In 1973 Concutelli became the leader of FUAN in Palermo, the first MSI president in Palermo, yet everyone was aware that he was at the same time a member of the New Order, which engaged in a confrontation with MSI. Nobody complained about this dual membership.

Interestingly, in this period all confrontations with the reds were preluded with careful checkups of participants to make sure nobody brought any kinds of weapons with them. More surprising still is that the reds had the exact same practice. This happened on a daily basis, as did the confrontations.

"The Reds protested against the war in Vietnam? We went over there, twenty against two hundred. Jump in, strikes with fists and sticks, broken helmet, blood. And so it was every day. Pure hell."

Being outnumbered and dispersed, Concutelli had to sometimes run across the city to answer someone's call for help, sometimes with as little as 2 or 3 other people in tow, sometimes completely alone, to go looking for the reds who jumped one or more of their guys, who'd join whomever came to help find their attackers for a rematch. Soon enough Molotov Cocktails became very popular, so popular, in fact, that some bars began installing a secondary fireproof door. 

"One time I passed a newspaper kiosk, decided to buy the weekly "Borghese" which was published by Mario Tedesky[?]. The vendor quietly took my money and angrily threw the newspapepr at me. He was a communist. I hit him over the counter in the face and knocked him out. Such incidents had become the norm. Not to mentioned cracked heads and busted eyes. Or the hydrochloric acid that the Lotta Continua comrades sprayed on us. Or the fictitious card games organized by the communists themselves, where mostly fascists were invited through people they know. Yes, traps were made with ingenuity. We did stuff like that too."

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Part 3 (A TURN TOWARDS ARMED STRUGGLE) highlights:

12. Terrorist attacks? I bet the Fascists did this!

First half of the 70s all terrorist acts and bombings were being blamed by everyone on the fascists and despite being proven innocent each time there were no apologies to the accused. This is when the phrase "killing a fascist is not a crime" first appeared. It got to a point where anarchists would accuse the "Red Brigades" of actually being fascists pretending to be communists. A witch hunt was unfolding.

This is what gave rise and popularity to the idea of an armed struggle, a partisan war, and in those years  Concutelli learned two axioms, one of which he adopted from Mao Zedong: "Doesn't matter what color the cat is, so long as it catches mice". The other was in realizing that the regime was still held in place by the tip of the bayonet. He once joked with his comrades "I have a good rifle and I'm not afraid of the cold. Besides, Italy is a mountainous country", however he felt there was some truth at its core, that the time of leaflets and posters was over, and the time of guns was next.

Fascists were also accused of being state puppets conducting terrorist acts on its behalf. Fascists were surrounded on all sides and alone, as these events made fewer people openly sympathetic to their struggle, and Concutelli decides that if he was going to die then at least he would die on his own terms: not in bed in a comfy flat, but with a weapon in his hands, fighting. "If life's play was written for us then its no use wasting time crying and moaning, one has to bravely take the bull by the horns and play their part."

Concutelli would with increasing frequency start singing to himself the Salo Republic song that began with words "We want to go to hell together". One day he heard on a radio show the claim that the neofascist threat was over as they posed no threat to the government - Concutelli took that as a declaration of war. "The anthem "Fascists, to arms!" rang in my ears. Fanaticism. We were all sliding towards armed conflict. Maybe someone blinded by their fanaticism didn't realize this, but I knew it very well. Always."

13. The Enemy

In 1973 the New Order movement was outlawed, thus making armed struggle the only way forward for its members. There were debates and heated discussions on the future of the movement, some stating that it was necessary to work withing the legal field and others pushing forward the idea of armed struggle. Concutelli was still acting in FUAN with nobody objecting to his New Order affiliation, despite him personally knowing all MSI leaders in Sicily, who officially criticized extremism, but in private would shake his hand and wink.

MSI at the time held a policy where if a member was attacked and killed he'd be treated as a martyr with the party hosting the funeral procession, however if you survived the attack you'd be immediately expelled from the party retroactively 4 months prior, because MSI didn't want anything to do with extremists.

Concutelli regarded the democratic regime as an octopus that was strangling its own citizens with its tentacles. He believed that one shouldn't strike at the head of the octopus, but pursue systematic eradication of its tentacles, attacking the cultural, social and geographic peripheries of its power, as far away from the "brain" as possible until more ground was gained. "Of course this was a terrible idea, I know that now. It is a theory of revolutionary warfare in its pure form, violence used as an instrument of political struggle."

While the "Red Brigades" actively promoted striking at the heart of the regime, whereas the fascists figured it'd be best to strike at its weak points. Besides, the fascists had fewer numbers than the reds and thus chose their targets proportionally to their means. 

Thus by mid-70s the following tactic has been developed: small and big sabotages on the periphery, attacks on agricultural unions and state agrarian holdings - provincial symbols of democratic christianity and the regime. "United Front of Struggle against the System" (Fronte Unitario di Lotta al Sistema – FULAS) was a group formed in Rome after the New Order disbanded, with the purpose of uniting around it the former "ordinovisti" and showing everyone that the fascists were still around. This was mostly a 'scarecrow' as there were but a few people behind it, whom Concutelli describes as being naive. However several assaults in Sicily were conducted under its name.

One such young lad got the nickname "night boy" or "by night" - he was often woken up in the middle of the night for various operations and it felt almost as if he was falling asleep on the go, like a horse. He was meant to travel to an oil pipe one night and place a bomb on it - he was given clear instructions on every step of the operation. The lad was worried but willing and committed. He departed the first time only to come back 15 minutes later after realizing that he forgot everything: weapons, the bomb and leaflets. He finally left with all the equipment and the next day Concutelli and his comrades were awaiting news of the attack in the local papers. Nothing. Their bombs exploded in Apulia, Calabria, Lazio - but not Sicily. A day later "by night" lad returned to the arranged meeting place and muttered "I forgot to turn on the timer". They nearly strangled him then and there. Nevertheless FULAS did carry out a number of operations in Sicily.

When Concutelli made his first step towards armed struggle he still lived in Palermo, was still a member of MSI and a leader in FUAN. The police still looked for him only in association with various street fights in which he no longer participated - they did not suspect him having a second life. Due to this ignorance some MSI members of parliament wanted to promote his candidacy in MSI listings for the municipal elections of the summer of 1975. This was by no means his own initiative and whilst not expecting anything to come of it he did win almost a thousand votes. While election leaflets with his name were being distributed in Palermo, he was in Apulia, organizing the kidnapping of the banker Luigi Mariano.

He accidentally became guilty of "evading justice" in 1974, when on one day he was arested for a fight with the reds that he didn't have anything to do with. He was playing cards with his mother and brothers in  Catania, where his family moved from Palermo in 1973, when the police barged in to arrest him. By evening he was in jail with other comrades. Once he was released he had to sign an agreement that he wouldn't leave Catania without an official sanction from the police. During one of these sanctioned departures he went to Brindisi, Apulia, where at one point he called his friend and was informed that the police were already looking for him, as the sanctioned time had run out. "I put down the phone, spat, took a deep breath and took out the handcuffs. I never again returned to my home in Sicily. I was on the run from the law".

14. Organizing an armed struggle? Works up a sweat

Armed struggle meant foremost that one had to cut all ties with their past lives: their friends, family, bride. It meant rejecting the "bourgeoisie" existence, and understanding that the road ahead would lead either to the grave or, at best, to prison. Tiniest mistake meant arrest or death.

The most difficult part was overcoming various taboos. First: personal feelings and emotions - they had to be cut away at the root, or at the very least suppressed deep down inside. Personal issues had no place in the underground resistance. Second taboo was the law. Committing severe crimes - robberies, kidnapping, stealing - was a difficult obstacle for those who viewed law and order to be the norm of life. Finally, and most importantly, the most dramatic taboo - the value of human life. Blood would be spilled, and this war would become a civil war, brother killing brother. 

The disbanding of the New Order caused a natural selection of those willing to take up arms, the rest was up to Concutelli himself. He had to pick out the best comrades: people completely ready to act and act well. His first step was to fortify the "internal front" and the rear.

He began a purge to exclude the useless people and talkers, who understood nothing about restraint and secrecy, so as to prevent leaks. Some regions of Italy were historically filled up with "regime dogs" and others had people with militarist tendencies, who, however, often affiliated with special services. Not to mention the oddballs who could just loose it at any moment. The capitol was filled with indecisive people who would constantly stagger the movement, burying any initiative under pointless discussions. Neofascist scenes in other regions were completely infiltrated by state agents. For example the "Black Order", a "pseudo-organization made by dissidents from New Order who defended unclear ideas and were completely controlled by the State".

The burden of the task haunted Concutelli with nightmares that would wake him up at night, making him feel like he was a blind man leading the blind. He constantly worked on himself and changed his lifestyle to adapt to the new reality and transformed from an inattentive fuckup into a  horribly pedantic and disciplined "political soldier" of an armed organization.

The organization structure was that of a pyramid with three segments, which in turn were formed out of smaller pyramids - cells, independent groups that in case of disaster could be reformed, preventing the regime from localizing and destroying the entire organization. Cells were always ready to fulfill their orders and act.  One of the three members of the tip of the big pyramid was a political commissar: he was supposed to adapt chosen tactics, such as armed assaults, to the general strategy of the movement, giving it a political/theoretic direction. Second place on the tip of the pyramid was occupied by the operations leader, who was responsible for the activities of the individual cells, he would unify their strength and command the reserves. Finally there was the military leader, who was in charge of choosing the tactics: developing operations and deciding when to enact them. Before Concutelli became the military leader of New Order he was the operations leader. 

Their goals were to be leaders and play an active role in the rebellion, which was seemingly always right around the corner. Nobody thought that the System could be defeated with a pistol, they instead counted on provoking a wider rebellion with their actins. If, say, the Red Brigades could put the country on the brink of civil war, they'd fight on their side, for the Red Brigades and themselves had the same enemy in the current regime and what the Red Brigades called SIM (Stato Imperialista delle Multinazionali or the Imperialist Transnational Government) - "a monstrosity that was killing all ideas of sovereignty, as well as nations and peoples." 

15. Financing

The other obvious issue was financing. Some people actually entertained the delusion of getting financed by the Ministry of Internal Affairs - "our primary enemy". There were the usual "infiltration" entryist garbage proposals, to "rock the system from the inside". One guy proposed to print counterfeit money to finance the purchase of weapons. "Well aren't you the genius" responded Concutelli. The guy tried to convince them that they could raise funds by speculating on rare marks, which was met by laughter. Despite all the funny and dumb ideas everyone knew deep down that there was only one way to acquire the funds - take up arms and conduct robberies. 

"A wretched method, no doubt. However it was the most effective. Moreover armed robberies had a certain revolutionary "ethic". By robbing a bank we took money from the State, brazenly dipping into the System's pockets. So we began preparing robberies. I know Palermo very well and thus knew exactly which territories were controlled by the mafia and which by the State. The first step was to determine a zone that was "free" of Cosa "Nostra" influence."

There were few of them but they were armed and well organized, albeit not everyone could handle the pressure, as one time a guy standing on look out, while the rest were robbing a bank, fell unconscious, his rifle falling out of his hands as he slid down the wall of the bank to the ground. "I slapped him and quickly ushered him back into the car. He never again participated in armed actions, but was put in charge of other activities that were likewise necessary, such as printing and posting stickers, logistics and etc."

The robberies were enough to fund purchase of weapons, transport and renting houses that would become bases of operations and safe houses for those who joined the underground struggle. The flats and houses were chosen foremost in the countryside where there were a lot of students and workers, renting out dozens of flats all over the South. Part of the weapons they got from veterans of the Salo Republic, the rest they bought on the black market or from the mafia. 

"We didn't need anything else. We were ready to dance."

16. Mariano Kidnapping

The unification of the "New Order Political Movement" and "National Vanguard" did not happen overnight. The process began at the end of spring of 1975, which culminated in a meeting between the two neofascist movements in Albano. The first step towards this process was laid down by the kidnapping of the banker Luigi Mariano in Apulia. The operation took 50 days and was badly thought out and its planning was worse still, it almost cost Luigi his life and the kidnappers many years in prison, and all this happened at the most crucial moment when the movement had just switched gears to armed conflict. The kidnapping was motivated, obviously, by a need to raise more funds.

Concutelli was called up from Sicily as his "successful ventures" became known in Rome, and he was wanted for this operation thanks to his combat and organizational skills, as he managed in a few months with limited to no resources and few people to organize a very efficient combat group that actually attempted to do something, whereas everyone else continued to daydream.

The order from Rome was sent to Concutelli by the few leaders of New Order who hadn't yet run abroad and were still in the country. He was offered to go to Apulia because some local comrades from the "National Vanguard" as well as a few tag along members of MSI were preparing some kind of "action" that promised to be very financially lucrative. In theory. There were no people ready and willing to take on the responsibility of leading the operation.

"When I had arrived I was greeted by a situation akin to a tragic comedy, a third-rate comedy. The goal was to kidnap a banker: he was rich, very rich. He was also a christian democrat and had solid ties with the local authorities. This was, of course, good. Comrades who had gathered in Apulia had also told me that the target was the sole holder and controller of his entire financial property. All in all, from their words the kidnapping sounded like a cakewalk, like stealing a piggy-bank. No big deal."

However when Concutelli started sorting out the details it became apparent that things were more complicated. Nobody new in which town the banker actually lived out of three possible ones. But they at least had the guns for the job. The comrades involved, however, were "radical children, who had been gathered in a hurry from all over Italy" and caused Concutelli many annoyances. One guy, in charge of getting transportation, turned up with a bran new Citroën DS, which back then was one of the most recognizable and prestigious cars in the country, moreover the guy rented it in his own name. Concutelli decided to abandon the entire project as he predicted that these "children" would get themselves arrested before the operation had even begun, angered he returned to Sicily.

In a week's time he was called up: "This time we are truly ready, everything is in order." Concutelli drove to Lecce, where they had finally determined the banker was living. Which was the entire extent of their intelligence operations. Nobody bothered to study his habits, where he went, what streets he preferred, when he left and came back home and so on. 

"One day we spent several hours under the hot sun, waiting for his car to appear on one of the roads. This was dangerous - for several hours we were gambling with our criminal faces, with the potential of being arrested with weapons on us, but in the end Mariano didn't show. I was convinced that the operation had completely failed and was ready to go back home. Things turned out differently."

In Concutelli's absence one guy, who was the most competent of the "revolutionaries" that gathered for the operation, managed to stop the banker's car and at gun point shoved him into the trunk of his car. He had conducted the kidnapping nearly single handedly, because the other comrades, having realized this, were "to put it softly, demoralized." The guy had to force them to act.

The banker was taken to Bari, where they rented a house in a living complex, their improvised prison was separated by a wall from a cottage where an english family was staying: father, mother and a bunch of kids. The banker was silenced with a gag, handcuffed and left alone in the dark. 

"He was so scared for his life that he wouldn't eat: from the very beginning he understood that he had been taken by amateurs that could kill him at any moment, at the first sign of trouble. After several phonecalls I arrived to Bari and tried talking to the banker. Hiding my face beneath a mask I calmed Mariano down, after which he finally started eating."

The first issue was transporting the hostage to a more secure location, where there wouldn't be any prying eyes. Comrades from Rome did not respond to any messages and this continued until Concutelli sent a comrade to the capitol, one that he considered to be the worse of the worst. He was a nonstop talker. He was in love with some girl that he would not shut up about. The guy was a liability that could ruin everything at the most crucial moment, hence why Concutelli sent him back to the capitol, to his beloved. "I didn't need a man like that. A domesticated fascist."

After a while the comrades from Rome finally responded and found a new location to keep the banker at in Brindisi, the transportation Concutelli handled personally. He acquired some sofa-bed (?) and ripped out all of its innards and internal mechanisms, added breathing holes, shoved the banker inside and tied the whole thing to the roof of his car. The new "prison" was located in the home of an MSI comrade who was close to the "National Vanguard", his flat was in a building that also hosted the office of a public telephone company. Concutelli didn't like it because of how busy the venue was during the day with people coming and going, but there was no other choice. "Roman leadership wasn't capable of offering anything better."

Concutelli personally guarded the banker in Brindisi. Mariano was kept in a closed room in complete darkness, dressed in only some pajamas and slippers. "We took his watch when we detained him: upon his release I returned his expensive Rolex to him. He had to be completely disorientated, we wanted him to lose track of time and be completely unaware of where he was."

Everyone else involved in the operation were doing fuck all in the meantime, which is when Concutelli realized the importance of carefuly selecting people. "They brought the prisoner hot pizza for dinner. Absurd. Did they do this to let our captive know that there was a pizzeria nearby?" Another mistake was the telephone negotiations done with the banker's family. Despite Concutelli's recommendations his comrades called them right out of Brindisi. 

The exchange was another problem that was compounded by "the dance of idiots." They didn't even ask the family in what car would arrive the person carrying the ransom money. "Simca 1300. Green? White? Gray? Metallic? They just shrug their shoulders. We in the meantime all packed into a bright yellow Fiat 128. It was terrible. Like waving a red flag in the middle of a green field. Noticeable and memorable."

The exchange was to take place on a motorway, the location was marked by a white rag tied to the bridge buffers. The person with the money was meant to stop there and wait. Concutelli arrived there somewhat earlier, which helped to avoid an arrest, as a police car was following the car of Mariano's brother: the cops were planning to arrive earlier and prepare a trap. Concutelli and his comrades positioned themselves on the viaduct, with their backs to the sun. The banker's brother arrived on a BMW 200 that had nothing to do with a "Simca". Concutelli shouted to him that he was the man he was meant to meet. The brother demanded in a commanding tone to see his brother to make sure he's still alive. Concutelli produced a handgun.

"I'm about to show you how you are going to die."  The brother tossed the suitcase with money at his feet.

"How can I know that you're not lying? Maybe you're not the man I'm waiting for."

"Drive, once you pass 3 junctions you'll find your brother safe and sound. And to prove that I am the man you were supposed to meet, I'll tell you what your father and brother called you..."

Once that was done Concutelli and his comrades "processed" the ransom: "the money, 280 million lira, we "washed" in talc, to remove any hidden police signs on the bills andthen placed them in plastic bags. The briefcase in which the money was brought I tossed in the trailer of a rural car during the drive, to render useless any possible "bug" placed by the police inside."

Mariano was released soon thereafter, Concutelli had left him on an olive grove in Taranto. The banker was shaking uncontrollably, having figured that he was brought out there to die.

Concutelli returned to Brindisi, all the money was taken by the comrade who had proposed the idea of the kidnapping. Concutelli's share was 100 million lira that went to the New Order treasury. He and another comrade made their way to Rome on a yellow Volkswagen. He already had the time to buy himself new clothes. 

"That was the situation. Such was the global difference between those who tried to conduct real armed struggle and those who were radical only in words, but sat on the sidelines during the battle, but easily enjoyed the success of others."

The comrade who took the rest of the money was arrested some weeks later by the police in his own home. After the operatio he returned to his usual life and was arrested. In the meantime, at that same moment Concutelli was "participating" in the Palermo elections, which didn't mean anything to him and the kidnapping operation was more important. With weapons and money he arrived in Rome, where he was provided a safe house by comrades from the National Vanguard in a house filled with families and students. There, in a suitcase he hid the money and weapons: rifles, handguns, an assault rifle and ammo. 

"Now I wasn't just in the underground, I was put on wanted list."

17. The Meeting in Albano

According to journalists, some kind of "black directorate" was born on the Albano meeting of September of 1975, which would coordinate the neofascist struggle and organize some kind of armed attacks, which was a complete lie. Concutelli went to this meeting with his comrades from the New Order. The unification between the "New Order Political Movement" and the "National Vanguard" did begin with the banker's kidnapping: the Albino meeting took place only to give the unification an "official" status. The entire leadership of radical Italian neofascism had gathered there: Concutelli and other New Order representatives, leaders of the National Vanguard, including the odious Stefano Delle Chiaie. The idea put forth, one that Concutelli supported, was to create an armed organization with a legal wing, which would be capable of uniting all active neofascists still not under arrest after the first wave of state repressions of the early 70s.

New Order likewise wanted a merger as it believed it necessary for there to be an organization that would officially not be part of the New Order, but would act in unison with it. Stefano Chaie's National Vanguard would act as this legal wing. Concutelli's voice played a big part in this decision as he was the one with the money and thus could give direction to this new organism. He, however, did not like the new name that was invented on that meeting, as it appeared as if Chaie and his group were trying to appropriate the past success of the New Order, albeit weeks later he figured out that it was an attempt by the National Vanguard to completely stall the proceedings. At the time he was too disappointed to see it, but the unification was a political and strategic mistake. Political because the union of two weak parties (one being active but small, whereas the other was only good at talking) does not necessarily produce strength. To the contrary, in politics, and especially in armed struggle, the union of two weak groups inevitably leads to defeat. It was a strategic mistake because the National Vanguard, from a military viewpoint, was not ready for an armed conflict. 

"We were marching towards defeat right from the start."

New Order was the more "noble" part of this union as it had already begun the struggle, worried the regime and worked underground, getting money and weapons. Concutelli later viewed the National Vanguard as a parasite - they had nothing and wanted to live off of the New Order. 

"A bit later I developed even more severe suspicions: the meeting in Albano served only our enemy's interests, an enemy that wanted to know through his people in the National Vanguard what we were up to, what we were thinking, what were we preparing, and foremost who we were."

Concutelli only had his suspicions, albeit everyone who participated in that meeting ended up with a dossier on them, though there may be other explanations for that. During this meeting Concutelli was assigned to lead the operations wing of the new structure and tasked with organizing armed cells across the country, providing them with weapons, training and combat preparation. "Cells which would be formed from useless people completely unprepared for armed conflict. Catastrophy."

The unification was also a mistake because it was an insult to Clemente Graziani (one of the New Order leaders who was forced to escape abroad and along with all other leaders abroad learned of the unification only after the fact), a man whom Concutelli respected deeply. Graziani never accepted the unification, and Concutelli admits that the decision was unfair towards the New Order and Graziani personally. 

"AS for me, the unification became the rock against which I propped myself up. From that moment on I grew firmer in those positions that would in the end lead to our defeat. But in those days I didn't think about this mistake. I shot first and thought later."

18. Being abroad. Between Spain, Rolling Stones and Graziani

Concutelli left Italy and made his way to Spain. Together with Stefano Delle Chiaie he crossed the Swiss border, wading over several small rivers. After that they took a train to Lausanne, going through strict border control (Switzerland was high on guard against terrorism in those years) they boarded a plane headed for Nice, France. Concutelli feared every control point and documents check. Delle Chiaie tried to comfort him saying "Nobody is looking for us." Both were equipped with fake passports provided by the leadership.

In Nice they met with Clemente Graziani, who made his way there from Corsica exclusively for this meeting. He did not take well the news of the New Order and National Vanguard merger, but it was too late. After shaking each other's hands Concutelli amd Clemente parted ways as friends. "However I noticed distrust in Graziani's eyes - he thought back then, that I had become Della Chiaie's man. He was mistaking."

They made their way to Spain by train, no members of the National Vanguard ever experienced problems with crossing the French-Spanish border, which Concutelli found highly suspicious. Their first stop was Barcelona, where an entire colony of Italian neofascists on the run from the Italian law had been established. These were people that even their leader, Della Chiaie considered to be dangerous and unreliable. During their travels Concutelli became convinced that there was a "black colony" in every major city. There was no comradery, to the contrary everyone were suspicious of everyone else, as they regarded each other as "competitors" for food, flats and a position in the organization, all of which confused Concutelli and he didn't manage to make any friends here. "However it were these comrades that had given me a chance to participate in an armed conflict outside of Italy, which became my very own "true, personal war" " - referring to the Angolan Civil War, in which Concutelli took part, fighting for the UNITA faction.

After several months of participation in that conflict Concutelli came back to the Pyrenees, making a decision to go back home to Italy. During the time in Angola Concutelli concludes that the unification between New Order and National Vanguard was a terrible mistake. "It was a stillborn union which would inevitably suffer defeat. Exactly what happened in the future."

He aquired weapons in Madrid, stolen from a local arsenal by comrades from the Spanish "New Force". He then took a train to France, and in his compartment he hid all the weapons in a ventilation pipe. He figured that if the compartment was searched his cache would surely be found, but luck was on his side as nothing happened.

Arriving in France he immediately took a train to Nice, from where he called Graziani in Corsica, to inform him that before going to Corsica himself he was going to spend a few days in Nice. There were two reasons for this decision: firstly he wanted to confuse any possible pursuers, and secondly, at the time the Rolling Stones had arrived to Nice for a concert, which Concutelli took as a n opportunity to relax. "Besides, how could one miss a performance by Mick Jagger? In 1976 the Rolling Stones were a living legend for my generation."

Having visited the concert in Nice, he departed for Corsica where he met up with Clemente Graziani and Peppe Pugliese [?], who was the acting secretary and assistant of the New Order leader in exile. Graziani was at first very strict with Concutelli: he demanded an explanation for why the latter would become Stefano Delle Chiaie's servant. Concutelli dispelled any suspicions and informed Graziani that he now likewise considered the union to be a political and strategic mistake. Concutelli told Graziani that in his opinion the New Order must be transformed into something else that was more appropriate for the times, and accept the challenge issued by the regime, becoming a true militant party, trying to explain to him that the times have changed since the times when Graziani stood at the head of a legal movement.

Clemente+Graziani.jpg

Clemente Graziani

By then Graziani was nothing more than "the legendary ex-leader of the New Order" with no power or influence, so he could not oppose Concutelli's plans for armed conflict. 

"I wanted to break this entire cheap theater of neofascism and begin a true revolutionary war against the System. Time for waiting was over."

Graziani stayed away from "Concutelli's" New Order, hence why when during the trial for the murder of judge Vittorio Occorsio the judge asked Concutelli what was the difference between Graziani's New Order and Concutelli's New Order, Concutelli replied: "The same as the difference between constructive criticism and a revolver."

Concutelli had effectively cut ties between the New Order and its past, and led the organization down its logical evolutionary path. Having left Corsica Concutelli realized that he had burned all the bridges. Another leader in exile supported Concutelli's direction. 

The final choice was made and in order to win one must attack, attack, attack. "I felt myself like a solider going to the front. I wasn't a mercenary or a Landsknecht. I was a volunteer who in earnest made a difficult and stupid choice."

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Part 4 (ARMED STRUGGLE) highlights:

19. In Rome

By the time he returned from Corsica to Italy he was already on the federal wanted list, which posed a number of problems. First was the issue of living arrangements. He was put up by an old woman who's son was living in Germany, thus Concutelli could pass off as her son (they looked similar enough) who had returned home. The police, meanwhile, was questioning his old friends and investigating all places that he liked to frequent. He was already a suspect on some criminal charges, but the situation was made worse due to recently introduced anti-terrorist laws, which made it nearly impossible to get any kind of fake document or even rent a flat using one's real ID.

Concutelli led the difficult life of an underground resistance fighter in the city. He'd become more precise and pedantic, one had to consider and be attentive of every small detail, forcefully teaching his comrades to adopt the same behavior. He'd tell them to never cary and kind of documents, never wear clothing of bright color or with notable elements like writing - one had to avoid standing out in a crowd. He'd even forbidden his men to use lighters that had become popular at the time, so they couldn't be traced via the shops. Even cigarettes were an issue, most preferred the "Gauloises" - "partisan cigarettes" as they were nicknamed - Concutelli urged his comrades not to dispose of the empty packets near the hideouts, best option was to discard them all across Rome.

Cocutelli drove an old but functioning car, one that was extremely common in Rome, with fake license plates. One time their car was stopped by the police at an intersection - when the cop approached and asked for his documents, he turned to his comrade in the passenger's seat and asked him a question in french, thereafter he would listen to the "translation" (entirely fake, his comrade didn't know any french at all) and give the officer all sorts of fake documents for the car. The cop was caught off guard sufficiently enough to forget to ask for Concutelli's passport, completely unaware that the "french" gentleman was a general of anti-State forces.

In Spring, Summer and Autumn he would leave at night, in winter he'd spend the second half of the day at home. "I couldn't go out to have fun, visit a bar like all normal people. I had to live the life of a shut-in, anonymous, routine-like and moderate."

Such existence allowed him and his comrades not only to realize a few armed actions but to also avoid arrests, which could be devastating during the initial steps of the organisation. Concutelli warns against dining in the same place, against drinking morning coffee more than once in the same place, against using taxis. "All these people - barmen, drivers, waiters - their entire existence depends on a state license. One threat of having it revoked will make him remember the face and name of any client." Thus Concutelli avoided public places, and if the choice of a meeting place was his, he always chose desolate locations. "And besides, all sorts of banquets, drunk nights out, fashion items, all of this was inconsistent with our main goal of organizing armed struggle."

Having moved to a new hideout in an apartment building, Concutelli utilized various means of precautions on his way home, that would otherwise seem silly to average people, but which could very well save his life. He avoided using the elevator, and if he did use it he would get off on a floor below his flat. "I didn't want to make too much noise, alerting the possible police ambush of my approach. I never opened the door with my right hand, it must always remain free to quickly grab the gun."

20. The Day Giorgio Almirante was saved

Concutelli saw Giorgio Almirante as the biggest detriment to Italian neofascism, calling him a prostitute and an enemy that had to be attacked. Later, Giorgio would demand the death penalty for Concutelli and Mario Tutti. In the end Giorgio simply died in bed, however he was very close to a more gruesome end on one morning of 1976, and he was completely unaware of it until the day he did die.

It so happened that one day, by coincidence, at an intersection the car that caried Giorgio and some other people pulled up alongside with Concutelli's car, with him and his comrade, armed. His comrade elbowed Concutelli and said "Look who it is over there. Quickly, look!" The comrade was excited and eager to do away with Giorgio right there "Let's kill the bastard, that traitor! I'll shoot him myself right now!" - just as he had opened the car door and was about to reach for the machine gun in the back, Concuteli gave him a stern look: "We'll kill him. And then what? How will this end? We make a martyr out of him. Fuck him. He's not even worth the bullets. You know that in these matters I call the shots. We won't be shooting him".

The comrade gave a shrug and calmed down. The light changed to green and Giorgio's car departed. "The man who dragged neofascism into the "right wing" swamp, who time and again betrayed the idea, who for many years served the interests of the demochristian government kept his life".

A very similar incident occurred some time later. One evening Concutelli and a young comrade were coming back to the hideout. Suddenly the comrade stopped and pointed to a young guy in a parka, an activist of the "Worker's Autonomy" or just some young communist, who was puting up stickers on the wall. "Let's teach that red a lesson" offered the young comrade, but Concutelli silently tugged him on his coat and they kept walking. "I never shot at communists. I fought them, yes. Fought honestly, no knives or "iron". But I never had the intention of killing "reds". I considered anticommunism, that spurns youthful rage, to be silly and laughable: a trick used by the bourgeoisie to confuse people and point them in the wrong direction from the true goal."

One other such incident that happened in Rome involved the police. One day Concutelli was riding a bike along the riverbed on the way to a hospital, when he spotted a police inspection roadblock up ahead, with two or three police cars nearby. The police ordered him to stop via a megaphone, and he slowed down while asking his comrade sitting behind him to take the weapons out of the bag. Between them they had 3 pistols and several hand grenades. Without getting off the bike Concutelli grabbed a grenade and tossed it right at the roadblock, shouting "Italian Social Republic!" Concutelli aimed to avoid unnecessary casualties and threw the grenade so that it would explode some 30 or 40 meters from the police. However this was enough to get the police to jump in their cars and ride away. The next day this incident was all over the press.

21. My "New Order"

Harsh precautions were necessary not only to avoid being caught and arrested, but were also necessary tools of organization and combat. 

Once Concutelli was back in Italy he had to  figure out whom he could rely on, what resources to utilize and the general line of action to take. The old structure of the "New Order Political Movement" was gone: ongoing court hearings and the decree to disband the organization had completely disorganized the former activists. Everything had changed, some formerly wild comrades had settled down with families and lived a fairly "bourgeois" life, distancing themselves not only from the New Order but from the entire neofascist scene. In other cases Concutelli simply lost all track of some former comrades, in particular in the South.

"There were many of those who'd talk about armed struggle all the time, but had no desire to participate in it." Concutelli scraped together very few well prepared and very, very pissed off people. The political unity of demochristians and the Communist Party fueled their rage, and saw the New Order as one of the movements that had been sacrificed for the triumph of a fictional democracy, the reign of plutocrats, who had eliminated all political competitors in their path. "Our movement had been erased, while the MSI was acting quite freely, having completely entrenched itself in centrism."

Concutelli personaly hand-picked people for the armed wing of the organization: they had to be reliable, ready to face death without hesitation, capable of action and prepared for armed struggle. Most importantly, they had to be politically prepared, for that was the only way they could attract new "soldiers". Concutelli found several comrades who fit these criteria - survivors of the whirlwind of repressions, people whom he had known personally and was confident in. "Entering our group a man accepted two rules: discipline and order. No individualism. Nobody could afford themselves the luxury of empty theoretical musings. Errors could cost us dearly. A secret militant group like ours could not utilize the methods of the regular armed forces. We didn't have penal officers like in the "Red Brigades", nor did we have punishments. The only punishments in our group were verbal. In the worst of cases, such as betrayal and desertion, there could be only one punishment: death".

First goal, to bring in more people and get the support of various social groups, was propaganda that would show the people that the New Order are all individuals with a clear political goal, and not a band of wild armed demonstrators. Not propaganda of paper, but of deeds. This was the first step of the armed struggle: armed propaganda. This phase was reliant heavily on the mass media for spreading information about the group's campaigns. "And if after one of our actions we heard on TV about the"horror and outrage of the democratic powers and syndicates" we knew that we hit our mark. However, when was a newspaper ready to publish a statement or communiqué of the "New Order Political Movement"? Only when there were dead bodies." This was exactly why "armed propaganda" almost always was related to haneous crimes. Newspapers were only ready to dedicate their headlines to organizations like the New Order only after there was a prominent murder, thus all "strategic resolutions" of both militant fascists and their red counterparts were published only after murders.

"However our unreadyness for such murders forced us to waste a lot of time on this initial phase of the struggle."

Underground militant Italian organizations, never went beyond the limits of this stage. Neither New Order nor the "Red Brigades" ever moved on to other, more bloody phases of revolutionary warfare. Such activities had become merely a means of reminding the public that these groups were still around. "Our entire strategy - political project of taking power and creating a new political nation - were fairly illusionary things, while we were engaged only in agitation. Nothing more. We hadn't made a single step towards realization of this project."

Concutelli took it upon himself to form the structures within the New Order, appointing himself the military leader ("comandante"). Besides this position there was also the political leader ("political commissar"), and Concutelli saw it impossible to structure things otherwise, as the organization was both militant and political. The political commissar was in charge of organizing political education and propaganda. The operations manager was in charge of everything that has to do with logistics: finding "bases of operation", accuiring weapons, managing materials and finances between the cells and so on. These three roles were the leadership of the organization, which Concutelli had to build up essentially from scrap.

Concutelli would have prefered to act calmly, without haste, steadily setting up the military and logistical aspects. Firstly to gather the finances necessary to function, for the organization of the peripheral structures of the group. "However times dictated their own laws. The time had come for the first armed propaganda campaign of the MPON, the hour of a deadly strike against the enemy. For me, the enemy was personified by Judge Vittorio Occorsio."

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